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FEARS FOR IMPACT ON COSTA RICAN WOMEN AND YOUTH AS US MILITARY FLOTILLA LANDS IN COSTA RICA

By Margie Thompson
FIRE – Feminist International Radio Endeavour

August 20, 2010

The first of an expected 46 US naval warships has arrived on the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica, landing in a country that abolished its army in 1949 and has long been proud of its non military stance in foreign affairs.

 

USS Iwo Jima, Fotografías: Andrea Alvarado y Bernie Araya

 

An invasion? No, although some opponents of the plan to allow a US military flotilla access to Costa Rican coasts regard it as such. The bilateral plan was approved by the Legislative Assembly in early July for the stated purpose of providing US support to fight narcotrafficking. Although it passed with little public debate, opposition has grown, including concerns about the impact of the massive military presence on the lives and safety of women and girls in the coastal communities.

The US military and US embassy have named the landing of the first US amphibious assault ship on August 20, 2010 in Limòn “Operation Continuing Promise 2010,¨ sent as a “humanitarian mission” with 1,600 personnel including 150 doctors who will perform surgeries and see patients, and soldiers who will distribute stuffed animals to children in the impoverished port town as part of an apparent campaign to “win hearts and minds” (1). Eventually the flotilla which will patrol both the Caribbean and Pacific Coasts will include more than 13,000 personnel on 46 warships armed with heavy artillery and about 180 helicopters and military aircraft.

¨Past experiences with the presence of members of the US military in other countries are not positive,¨ noted Gaby Argueda, legislative advisor with the Citizen´s Action Party (PAC). ¨It has often led to an increase in violence against women including sexual violence, so this plan for Costa Rica puts women in these coastal communities at higher risk.¨ Argueda noted that many port towns such as Golfito on the Pacific Coast are already struggling with high rates of violence due to delinquency and narcotrafficking, ¨and women are often caught in the middle of the conflict.¨

Costa Rican Legislator Carmen Muñoz Quesada of San José agrees, noting that ¨what the troops do on land is of great concern.¨ She noted that the bilaterial agreement states that soldiers in Costa Rica will ¨enjoy freedom of movement¨ and, as is often the case with the US military, soldiers are granted diplomatic immunity for crimes committed on Costa Rican soil, including during their time off when they seek ¨diversions¨ (the word used in the agreement). Muñoz said that studies including testimonies from women in Golfito for example, show that where troops disembark there are higher rates of prostitution, and fueled by ¨machista¨ attitudes and heavy alcohol and drug use, greater abuse and violence against women, which is often hidden.

¨We worry for Costa Rican families and businesses, and if soldiers can commit crimes against property or people with no consequences, it´s like giving the US military a blank check to do anything,¨ said Muñoz.

Muñoz and Argueda both support efforts to fight the serious problem of narcotrafficking in the region, but question the need for such massive military force to patrol both coasts of Costa Rica. The warships, aircraft carriers and military aircraft including land attack planes may carry ­massive machine guns and rocket launchers, and have the capacity to carry missiles, cluster bombs, laser-guided bombs, and other types of artillery. All are designed for warfare.

Opponent s also question whether the US – Costa Rican plan is part of an overall militarization of the region by the United States, under the guise of fighting against narcotrafficking. But tensions between the US and leftist governments in Venezuela, Nicaragua and El Salvador among others suggest that a broader strategic plan is underway. And US plans to build six new bases in Colombia are likewise part of that strategy, where millions in primarily US military aid have been spent on Plan Colombia.

Indeed, the heavy presence of US troops in Colombia as part of ¨Plan Colombia¨ have resulted in numerous charges of rape of Colombian women and girls by US soldiers, as described in the documentary, Corriendo Bases (¨Running Bases¨) (2). But the charges are never pursued as a result of a diplomatic immunity clause approved by the Colombian government for US troops.

The video includes a story of a 12-year-old girl who was raped on a military base in Melgar in 2007 by two US soldiers and later one of the soldiers taunted the mother of the girl saying, ¨Yes I raped her! Denounce us! But you can do nothing to us!¨ Colombian officials issued arrest warrants for the soldiers who then left the country for the US, but the case was closed in September 2009 by US officials who had determined that there was not enough evidence to prosecute the suspected rapists (3).

Critics of such immunity clauses in these agreements contend that it basically means immunity to rape, among other crimes.

Studies in East Asia about the impact of US military bases on women and children reveal the same pattern (4). The large footprint of the military in communities includes increased prostitution, sexual exploitation, and physical and sexual violence. Women in Japan and the Philippines who lived near the bases and particularly those who worked in bars, massage parlors or other businesses frequented by soldiers, often suffered serious health consequences including HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies, drug and alcohol addictions, and mental illness.

Central America is already caught up in increased levels of violence with the growing presence of gangs and organized crime, but bringing in the military only increases the level of violence, noted Argueda. And women, adolescents and children often suffer the consequences. These are factors that were not discussed during the debates in the Legislative Assembly, but really need to be addressed, she noted.

1. “Arming aid: Costa Rica, the US military and the ongong ´War´on Drugs,” by Jamie Way, for UpsideDownWorld, August 17, 2010. (http://upsidedownworld.org/main/international-archives-60/2648-arming-aid-costa-rica-the-us-military-and-the-ongoing-war-on-drugs )

2. “Bases USA en Colombia: Violaciones sexuales perpetradas por soldados USA e impunidad,” por Azalea Robin para El Polverin, February 6, 2010. ( http://elpolvorin.over-blog.es/article-bases-usa-en-colombia-violaciones-sexuales-perpetradas-por-soldados-usa-e-impunidad-44367790.html)

3. “US military suspects not charged in Colombian rape case,” by Adraana El Sema, for Colombia Reports, September 3, 2009. (http://colombiareports.com/colombia-news/news/5716-us-rape-suspects-still-not-charged.html )

4. “Women and U.S. military presence.” Briefing paper prepared by the organization Unity of Women for the Motherland (KAISA-KA OR PAGKAKAISA NG KABABAIHAN PARA SA INANG BAYAN), March 8, 2002.

5. “Arming aid: Costa Rica, the US military and the ongong ´War´on Drugs,” by Jamie Way, for UpsideDownWorld, August 17, 2010. (http://upsidedownworld.org/main/international-archives-60/2648-arming-aid-costa-rica-the-us-military-and-the-ongoing-war-on-drugs )